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211.
This article reassesses the foreign policy legacy of George W. Bush in light of the emerging historical record of his administration. We conclude that, whereas Bush’s foreign policy was in widespread disrepute when he left office in 2009, that reputation is likely to improve – perhaps significantly – in the coming years. We identify six particular arguments that lend credence to an emerging ‘Bush revisionism.’ To be clear, we do not necessarily argue that the balance sheet on Bush’s foreign policy was positive, but the arguments presented here are likely to generate a more sympathetic and favorable historical assessment of Bush’s presidency over time. 相似文献
212.
王凯 《装甲兵工程学院学报》1998,(3)
概述美国陆军现阶段实施的2010年发展战略规划,分析阐明美军制定和实行该规划理论基础和指导方针,陆军结构调整与改革的思路和实施的内容,在军队建设上如何充分发挥科学技术优势等. 相似文献
213.
马莉 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(6):95-96
“关系”是离散数学中一个非常抽象的概念,通过提出问题-分析问题-解决问题的层层递进式教学,将抽象概念与具体应用相结合,是非常有效的教学方式。 相似文献
214.
Oriana Skylar Mastro 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(2):219-244
On 8 March 2009, five Chinese vessels shadowed and aggressively maneuvered in close proximity to the US Naval Ship (USNS) Impeccable. This paper seeks to explain the incident and its aftermath in the context of Chinese coercive diplomacy. China's strategy, designed to motivate the US to cease surveillance operations near its militarily sensitive areas in the South China Sea, included three components: (1) the use of military provocation, (2) a coordinated media campaign, and (3) a challenge to US interpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS). This study goes beyond traditional research on Chinese use of force to explain why China's coercive diplomatic campaign took the form it did. Only by understanding the nature and factors affecting Chinese coercive diplomacy can the US design the effective counter strategy needed to protect US regional and global interests. 相似文献
215.
Elena K. Sokova 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):209-212
Russia holds the largest stocks of civilian highly enriched uranium (HEU) of any country, operating more than fifty research reactors, pulsed reactors, and critical assemblies using HEU, as well as nine HEU-fueled icebreakers. Russia's participation in international efforts to phase out civilian HEU is crucial if international HEU minimization efforts are to succeed. Individual Russian institutes and organizations participate in international programs to replace HEU with low-enriched uranium in Soviet-supplied research reactors, develop alternative fuels, and repatriate fresh and spent HEU fuel from third countries. However, an overarching national policy on HEU phase-out has yet to be adopted. There are many obstacles to obtaining such a commitment from Moscow. At the same time, the ongoing reform of the Russian nuclear industry and plans for expansion of domestic nuclear power generation and for increased nuclear exports create opportunities for securing such a commitment. 相似文献
216.
Agnes Katona 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):253-272
ABSTRACTSince 2002, NATO's territorial missile defense has evoked continuous debates between NATO states and the Russian Federation. Thirteen years have passed without reaching a common denominator. This article provides a comprehensive overview of the historical background of the debate and the technical details of the missile defense system, highlighting its shortcomings and the state of its deployment process. It also contrasts the military-technical and political arguments of both sides, before addressing the applicable norms of international law to highlight violations and the effect of this noncompliance on existing arms control measures. 相似文献
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218.
美军装备建设起步较早,其信息化、智能化程度较高,已具备向无人化作战及无人化后勤保障转型的趋势。通过分析研究美军无人化装备发展,准确定位我军后勤装备发展思路,提出并确定我军无人化后勤装备发展策略,对于指导我军现代后勤建设具有重要的现实意义。 相似文献
219.
Lauren Sukin 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3-4):379-400
ABSTRACTSeveral states in the Middle East have noted their interest in nuclear energy programs, but current cost and timeline estimates understate the difficulties that these states will face. A state-level analysis of nuclear development capacities in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates suggests that building nuclear infrastructure in the region will, in fact, be a lengthy and expensive endeavor, due to concerns such as export constraints, public opposition, a lack of human resources, and high overhead costs. This has implications for nuclear weapon nonproliferation: first, fears that these developing nuclear energy capabilities may facilitate possible weapon proliferation are premature, and second, there is time to ensure that any burgeoning nuclear infrastructure in the region remains safe and civilian in nature. 相似文献
220.
Sebastian Bruns 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):117-132
This article discusses roles and missions of the United States Navy with a particular focus on the Baltic Sea. That particular sea has gained renewed political and military attention following Russia's resurgent and increasingly hybrid-offensive foreign policy. Baltic nations, uncertain of what the future holds, ought to look at sea power and maritime missions in the Baltic, as well as US naval presence in Europe, to draw lessons for future posture. 相似文献